I had the opportunity and the pleasure of meeting Hari Iyengar, a manager of Indian origin to whom I proposed an interview on the story of Massimiliano Latorre and Salvatore Girone. Hari immediately proved to be available and willingly answered the questions, expressing the thought of one who knows the reality of his country of origin.
First of all we present Hari Iyengar. He has 48 years, is a British professional of Indian origin who lives in London, India and Italy. It operates with groups of institutional and private investors in the Private Equity sector. A graduate of the London School of Economics with a Master's degree in Oxford, he earned his Chartered Accountant qualification in London.
The following are the questions to dr. Iyengar that I propose without any comment to allow everyone to draw their own conclusions.
Dr. Hari Iyenger She who knows well the Indian culture and traditions being a native of the Subcontinent, can express her thoughts on the story of the two Maros and the reasons for the quite ambiguous behavior of Kerala immediately behind the events in that famous 15 February 2012?
In India it is strongly inclined to make sure that every citizen is treated in a careful, fair and impartial way. In a country of over a billion people, many of whom are considered "vulnerable", the government feels the duty to make sure that the common man, even the poorest, guarantees protection and justice at all levels. This could explain the initial reaction, probably triggered by this fundamental need that has always been a characteristic of India which, despite being the largest democracy in the world, is also the country where at least a third of the population lives without having access to some services essential. In the chaos that generated the crowd, before coming to a full knowledge of the facts, he reacted vehemently and the authorities controlled the situation with determination. An incident that must now be interpreted as part of a process destined to normalize itself, but which at first has certainly given rise to an ambiguous reading.
Do you think that the position of Premier Singh next to the elections and the Italian origins of Sonia Ghandi, embarrassed to justify to the population any decision of a possible political compromise with Italy to solve the problem, has influenced the whole affair?
I fear that this has never been a central issue at the national electoral level, even though it certainly played a role of some importance in the local elections in Kerala. The last national elections in India were largely focused on the themes of economic development and social policies aimed at the integration of the weakest and most marginalized groups. The new government of Delhi, led by Modi, can count on a large majority and its goal is to strengthen the country after a period of strong development characterized by ups and downs that often caused moments of distrust of the previous government of Singh. The country has a very young population, more than 70% of workers have less than 35 years, and there is an air of high hopes for a brighter future from both a social and economic point of view. As I said, unfortunately I do not think the issue of the Marò is among the first concerns of the Delhi government. The Congress Party, chaired by Sonia Gandhi, if it wants to be able to face the demands that the future will face, will have to commit itself to rebuilding its leadership in a tenacious and structured way. That said, it is also true that Sonia Gandhi's loyalty to India has often been questioned by his detractors precisely because of his foreign origins. But Sonia Gandhi, beyond her birthplace, is Indian and her personal history is inextricably linked to that of India. However, in moments like this one must express unequivocally indo-centric. What he did.
Do you think that the events of bribes still not fully clarified that involved Finmeccanica and prominent Indian figures could have negatively affected a quick solution of the problem of the release of the two Marò?
I would not let myself go to too many speculations about the links between the Finmeccanica operation and the Marò problem. Finmeccanica has been present on the Indian market for many years, where relationships and various issues affect both politics and the business world. It is a multidimensional reality that has come into being and consolidated over many years. That of the Marò is instead a legal issue and as such I would treat it. The Indian judicial system is solid and so is the part concerning International Law. What seems to be missing is rather closer collaboration between the Italian and Indian authorities where both nations have had heavy reactions following what has certainly been an unfortunate accident. It seems that the approaches have become more conflictual than collaborative. Surely the key to a solution will be finding points of agreement, even if from different legal positions. Dialogue on this theme must be reconstructed in a systematic and structured way, avoiding any kind of escalation.
He believes that when India sent the two Riflemen back to Italy for 2012 and to fulfill their electoral duty in February 2013, he hoped that Italy would not send them back by removing the Indian government from an embarrassment, perhaps caused by a poor transparency of the Government of Kerala?
At this point I would not try to guess what the thought of India was. I believe that the Indian government has shown a certain sensitivity towards the two riflemen, letting them return home for short periods. This treatment is certainly not the practice in India for its own citizens. As Modi said: "Indians awaiting trial are not even allowed to go to their mother's funeral." Returning to the focus of the question, of course for the Indians, the situation was clear and limpid. On the contrary, I find it strange that, at the time, the Italian government was no longer determined to take a more firm position from a legal standpoint, also taking advantage of the greater impact and visibility that the case enjoyed in those days. The echo is decreasing over time and the timing is always important, the more time passes, the more difficult it is to keep the spotlight on this case.
Recently, Premier Modi has declared in Burma that India for issues related to maritime piracy must abide by the international rules and the UN Conventions. Does he consider it a message addressed also to the hesitant Italian Government?
It is a message for the whole world. Modi is a very direct man and he is a leader who operates on a global level, if he has something to say to Italy he will do it in a frank and explicit way.
Do you think that if someone in Italy at the highest Institutional tops, regardless of the phone calls and half words so far exchanged with the Indian government, contact Modi or at the limit he would go to Delhi or invite him to Italy the problem could find a quick and satisfactory solution for both nations. In short, if the President of the Republic intervened or intervened directly, he believes that the matter has already been closed?
If President Napolitano, towards the end of his mandate, made a very special effort, perhaps a visit to Delhi on this precise subject, India would hold the gesture in high regard. Napolitano is a senior figure, highly respected, super partes, a personality that would be welcomed with great regard in Indian culture. In this way I think that the two countries could begin to cooperate in a more profitable way for everyone. Any external interference, such as the intervention of the "Security Council", could raise the temperature while a more delicate and discreet approach would create the conditions for a resolution.
Thank you Hari for your availability and for having given us a brief but clear picture of the situation.
Fernando Termentini
