Venezuela is experiencing a dramatic new "revolutionary" phase, as a potential alliance between the FARC and theNational Liberation Army, it could drastically increase the threat posed by these groups, both for the Bolivarian and Colombian Republics.
Already in 2018 and last year, along the Colombian border theNational Liberation Army Colombian (Eln), would have distributed food rations, supplied by the Venezuelan government, to the multitude of citizens now in disarray. The opportunity was seized by the rebel group, with the aim of consolidating its presence in Venezuela and strengthening possible links with the administration of President Nicolás Maduro, as then underlined by a Colombian analysis observatory.
The ELN, however, would have carried out, for many years in Venezuela, activities of dubious legality, intertwining relations with the administration of that country. In addition, some group leaders would live in Venezuela or otherwise be present in an important way, especially in border states such as Apure and Táchira.
Venezuela would currently also act as a logistical base for dissidents of Colombia's former Revolutionary Armed Forces (FARC), as widely described by Colombian sources.
Supplier of the main corridors of the illicit trafficking of the guerrillas, the Chavista Republic remains in its role of logistic base to escape the pressure of the Colombian security forces, and for the training and supply of the weapons of the dissidents themselves.
Rumors are multiplying that the new Venezuelan criminal organization is made up of defectors from the peace process, "Thus obtaining, in the country, both an anchor of economic salvation and a safe haven to regroup and reconsolidate their forces".
Former FARC rebels are believed to be the cornerstones of the Venezuelan armed movements, particularly the "colectivos" group that remembers its role in blocking humanitarian aid to the country last year.
These "pro-government gangs" made up of 50-100 kids on bicycles hiding in the crowd would open fire on several occasions against anti-Maduro protesters.
In all Latin American countries, popular organizations have always been synonymous with "leftist movements". In the early 2000s in Venezuela, for example, these were recognized in Bolivarian circles, but already in the XNUMXs they were present in the territory.
However, it is important to emphasize that each group within Los Colectivos has different forms and objectives, ranging from social work to political propaganda to paramilitary actions. The rise of these groups in Venezuela has undoubtedly increased with the arrival of ex-president Hugo Chávez and the Bolivarian Revolution in power.
As of 2011, there were about 10.800 social movements, made up of about 35.500 people. According to the claims of the government and its supporters, the purpose of these groups is primarily cultural, ideological and peaceful. However, there would be convincing evidence that would link some of the members of these groups to political control and the violent repression of peaceful protests which generated, in 2014, about 33 deaths and about 1.700 prisoners.
Among "Los Colectivos" stands out the presence of the Tupamaros, defined as the armed arm of Chavismo. It is a political organization whose tendency is Marxist - Leninist, and whose name is inspired by the Uruguayan group of Tupamaros, an urban "guerrilla" organization.
The origins of this Venezuelan group date back to 1989, the year before they supported the candidacy for President Hugo Chávez.
The groups in Caracas not only received government weapons, as the opposition denounced, but were also equipped with motorcycles, communication equipment, surveillance systems and all autonomy to exercise control and authority over the hills of Caracas.
As explained well by El Pais Colombia, they spread across the country with the approval of the government and the complicity of the armed forces, attacking and threatening those who express their disagreement with the socialist model that left the late Chavez.
However, when asked about the essential purpose of these groups, the advocates would argue that they are engaged in education, politics, culture, sports, music, health and education.
The Chavista Republic therefore remains, as previously mentioned, a refuge, probably, for former FARC commanders who ended their cooperation with the peace process and hid in 2018, due to their dissatisfaction "with the management of the process by part of the Colombian government. "
Maduro, however, showed no open support for the rebel presence in Venezuela, his current weakening of control of the country's territory and criminal security forces have therefore allowed dissident movements of the FARC to thrive and reconsolidate in the country.
Finally, the case of the "narco-nephews", that is the grandchildren of Maduro's wife who have been accused of cocaine trafficking from FARC, remains emblematic.