Secret documents tell the true story of Marshal Tito

(To Giuseppe Barcellona)

On May 8th 1980 in Belgrade on the day of the last greeting to the Yugoslav leader there were the heads of state of 31 countries, 22 prime ministers, 6 princes, 47 foreign ministers representatives of 128 countries from both sides of iron curtain in an event considered the most impressive state funeral of the story.

Since then a legendary and mysterious solo has wrapped even more the figure of Tito, according to the Belgrade daily evening news the elite rulers of the earth paid homage to a coffin full of sand as the body of the dictator marred by the gangrene emanated a nauseous smell that imposed a lightning burial.

Even before his death there were so many stories on his account, Josip Broz was taught to be a Jew, a schoolmate of Adolf Hitler, a mason, an NKVD agent and Winston Churchill's secret son.

Acclaimed and serious historiography questions even its Yugoslav roots, attributing it to Russian or Polish origins; his Serbian-Croatian was never fluent, and some serious grammatical errors instilled doubt in the public opinion and it was not enough to disown the version according to which this way of speaking was due to the particular dialect of the lands.

These voices were systematically silenced by the press, filtered out of Yugoslavia in the middle of the interregional titan, perhaps because of the anti-communist bearing function that the Balkan country had cut out on the international chessboard and a direct interest of the international press notoriously in hand to Western countries

The suspicion becomes something more concrete by reading some documents of the CIA desecretariat, namely the The trend of Soviet-Yugoslav relations of the 18 November 1948 and the The Yugoslav dilemma of 10 February 1949 both came to light after many years of their drafting and abundantly after the fall of the Berlin Wall and the disintegration of Yugoslavia.

The 27 June 1948 Stalin expels Yugoslavia from Cominform as an enemy of the USSR accusing it of deviance from communism, nationalism and trotzism, a manna fallen from the sky for CIA men moving the map of the curtain of iron curtain eastward recognizing the Balkan country as a neutral state.

Tito's power began during the Second World War when he was a military leader of an invaded nation, a hundred 44 partisans were Serbs, 30 Croats, Slovene 10, 5 Montenegrin, 2,5 Macedonians, he gathered behind a flag an army without distinction of religion and race.

I welcome the attempted disintegration by the Italian-German force and in the 1941 Deutsche diplomatisch-politische titled "The bloody anticontinental Yugoslav state collapsed" it was even easier for him to stand before the jagged people as head of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia.

It was then that Walter (so they still called him) died virtually and officially the Marshal Tito was born.

Even at that time many stories circulated about him, the illegitimate son of a Hungarian nobleman, servant of the counts of Erdody but the most popular hypothesis was for a relationship of kinship with Winston Churchill.

In fact, during the Second World War, the British premier abandoned the monarchic Draza Mihailovic leader of the Chetniks to support the rising star of the Balkans; this choice was influenced by James Clugmann's misinformation work, Soviet mole among the agents of his majesty, since at that time Tito was a man in the hands of the Communists before the clamorous turnaround.

The details of this spying operation are included in the report describing the operation S in the Balkans, an 969 public domain folders folder.

So Tito was raised by the Russians and in the course of his work he turned his back to his forts fortified by the West; this could be a reliable version even though its high profile duplicity consists of numerous other chapters.

The official change of coat was officially the 28 June 1948 when Bucharest was unanimously voted to expel Yugoslavia's ignominy from Cominform; This resolution was voted by representatives of Czechoslovakia, Poland, Hungary, Romania, Bulgaria, France and Italy.

But when Palmiro Togliatti near the end of the 1948 went to Belgrade on a visit, the reports seemed anything but thesis to the observers, someone already then overshadowed the hypothesis of the international drama.

The Titian methods were not very different from the Stalinist methods, from the foibes to the internal purges a long stream of blood accompanied by Tito's figure in those years; 1950 was only issued in 7863 in Croatia with heavy convictions for the detention of violations of compulsory compulsory laws, the opponents of the regime disappeared without tracing from day to day, twelve prisoners in Quarnaro were re-educated with atrocious physical and psychological torture, many did not return home.

Ernest Bevin, British Foreign Minister after Churchill, in dialogue with Dean Acheson, his American colleague said, "Tito is a mascalzone, but he is our mascalzone."

The chronicles of time also handed down to the posters a joke by Winston Churchill who responded to one of his men who made him notice the devastating effects that Tito's regime would have on the future life of the Yugoslav republics. "You have the intention of to move to Yugoslavia after the end of the war? "

Just in those years the CIA had enlisted the Sicilian mafia used during allied landing (v.articolo) and subsequently the armed arm of Christian Democracy for the government of the country and to fight the advancement of the reds, Washington had not created scruples by employing former fascists, extreme right-wing groups, freemasons, common delinquents; so the key to framing the Balkan affair could be the struggle against communism, Tito in the Middle East served to the West.

In Moscow they went on all the rage, their creature turned against him.

Nikita Krusciov revealed in his secret report to the twentieth congress of the PCUS all the anger of Stalin that he would say, "It will be enough that I move the little finger and he will not exist any more." But things did not go so well, Tito had his shoulders well covered and strongly opposed the Russian project to create mixed Russian-Yugoslav societies in the strategic sectors of energy, mining and transformation of minerals, sea and land transport and the creation of a common bank.

In addition, along with Bulgaria's leader Georgy Dimitrov, he thought of a Balkan Federation that included all popular democracies, in opposition to Moscow's authoritarian prophecy.

This was the spark for the final break, but Belgrade was not in Prague, in Budapest, the Kremlin kept respecting Marshal Tito, perhaps because the Russians also maintained that keeping a negotiating channel with the West could be a good thing in case of military escalation.

Krusciov himself had to think about this, when he and John Fitzgerald Kennedy married the idea of ​​dialogue with the West, then abruptly interrupted by the tragic events, the killing of the American president until the invasion of Prague.

Puntual came the march of Marshal Tito to Leonid Ilijc Breznev, 23 August of the 1968 while the troops of the Warsaw Pact invaded Czechoslovakia Tito condemned "the violent action of the Soviet Union and its allies."

But at that point the positions were well-defined, Yugoslavia was forcibly secreted, but not so much, from the West and the West it made all the difference even though behind a body of proud nationalism perfectly interpreted by its leader.

And here Tito was a cross and a delight, he did not give up the Yugoslav self-management system, the bizarre system that workers carry forward; inflation was from South American, devaluation of the repeated dinar, foreign debt was always high and to conclude the "Southern question" on the rift of Italian directors.

In fact, there was always a remarkable economic gap between the northwestern republics and the south-east republics, which fueled a handful of gratitude on the inner front.

In November of the 1971, the university students in Zagreb protested that in their opinion the national incomes were unjustly redistributed among the various republics, the seed of discord was already well planted in the country, but Tito was still vigorous and answered with the iron fist.

In those years Yugoslavia was considered leaders of non-aligned countries even though Belgrade's foreign policy had few obscure sides.

There is certain evidence of support and coverings provided by Tito and his subordinates to international terrorism, the Red Brigades and Palestinian guerrillas; some components of the September Black Commando that 4 August 1972 exploded in Trieste the pipeline connecting Bavaria to the Adriatic came to the target from Yugoslavia where they found the explosive for the attack.

The most infamous brand in the history of Tito dates back to many years before, when in the Yugoslav concentration camps the Italian internees suffered atrocious torture and suffering that still today cry out for revenge.

There is a large account of this in the reports drawn up by Men of the Special Services of the Navy, fifty pages accompanied by chilling testimonies and unequivocal photographs about the conditions of unlucky compatriots in the fields of Borovnica (40B-D2802) and Skofjia Loka (11- D-2531) said precisely the "fields of death".

And then Stara Gradisca, Osseh, Goli Otok, real concentration camps escaped the media coverage of the most famous German camps but no less terrible and cruel to the detainees; were the days of terror and of the foibe, an indelible spot in the history of this dictator who had the merit of keeping behind a flag of peoples of varied races and religions, but to which besides any reasonable doubt the atrocious name of inventor of "ethnic cleansing" that would have materialized after his death, but retreating on his compatriots, after his death in a Ljubljana clinic at 17 of 4 May 1980.

With Tito that day, Yugoslavia died, the most strange history of the last century of Europe, an authentic political miracle that must be paid to this man by the extraordinary temperament and probably by other invisible diplomats and brothers in the service of the establishment West.

The history of Yugoslavia has a moral that should be captured in these times of continental uncertainties, given that the path of this small but important European country resembles the history of the dreadful Europe, the jumble of different peoples and diverse economies held together with the strength in the service of a supreme good that the citizens of individual states are increasingly struggling to understand, nothing foments war as much as forced peace.

That Yugoslavia's story, that its sad epilogue is a warning to the little-lighted parrots of Brussels.

Bibliography magazine "History and Truth" 2017 Giuseppe Barcelona

(photo: web)