In the course of a previous analysis drawn up not so long ago, we had already touched on the delicate issue concerning the difficult historical transition phase that Algeria is experiencing. In light of the latest events in the country, and given the capital importance of its stability for Italy, it is necessary to go back again to interpret yet another act of what is expected to be a decisive phase in the internal power struggle.
Over the past twenty years, the internal political balances of the People's Democratic Algerian Republic have essentially revolved around the figure of President Abdelaziz Bouteflika, exponent of the "first revolutionary generation" that led to the country's independence from France, in the 1962. However, with the passage of time, the health conditions of the old "bey" of Algiers had deteriorated more and more, giving the country the gruesome reality of a substantially paralyzed wheelchair user and at the mercy of a "magic circle" composed of the high political-military spheres, among which Said and Abderrahim Bouteflika, Abdelaziz's brothers, stood out with increasing insistence. Indeed, for years the dark rooms of the "Pouvoir" (The Power) had been torn apart by a series of ferocious internal struggles, motivated essentially by Said's desire to exercise the undisputed role of "gray eminence" behind his "partially incapacitated" brother and to eventually become its successor; this move was strongly opposed by large sectors of the "deep state" where Said had always had a decidedly "sulphurous" reputation. In fact, although Algeria is an oligarchic republic governed by an irresponsible elite (in the sense of "not responsible") towards civil society, "Les Décideurs" (Decision makers) have also always been cautious not to create bulky "dynasties" "Avoiding the temptation to co-opt children, grandchildren and other relatives in the ganglia of power and preferring to maintain the" stick of command "within a certain" generational circle "shaped by the" brotherhood at the front "and by the common militancy within the 'FLN (Front de Libération Nationale). The fact that Abdelaziz Bouteflika had favored the rise of his two brothers (in particular Said) to the highest vertices of his "magic circle" had infuriated many among the "Décideurs". However, thanks to a methodical series of purges already described in the previous analysis, it seemed that there was no longer any obstacle between Said and the supreme power.
One of the key elements within this methodical operation of "colonization" of the garrisons of power was the appointment of General Ahmed Gaïd Salah (photo) to the position of chief of staff of the Algerian armed forces, replacing that of Mohamed Lamari who he had been the supreme and unchallenged commander during the bloody and savage "Algerian Civil War" that affected the nation's collective psyche so much. Long-time military and general of corps with a past in the artillery, when he was chosen for the delicate task, Salah distinguished himself much more for his loyalty to Bouteflika than for his capacities as a "leader". In fact, Salah's career may seem at first sight to be "bare" if compared to that of other top officials who in the past stood out at the top of the state apparatus.
Born in 1940 and joining the FLN fighters at the age of 17 years, Salah's career developed into post-war independence when he was sent to the Soviet Union to receive formal education and training at the Military Academy of Artillery. Returning to his homeland, he was assigned several commands over the following decades and even participated in the Algerian Civil War, however the area under his control saw a very marginal presence of Islamists so his contribution on that occasion is considered absolutely secondary. However, what Salah failed to gain from "field experience" was partially offset by his "savoir-faire" demonstrated on several occasions during frequent visits to barracks located in his area of responsibility. This and his "paternal" approach towards his subordinates and the troop in general, have made it a genuinely popular element in the whole structure of the armed forces, in particular between "Les Centurions" (The Centurions), the true subordinate officers architects of the victory against the Islamists in the 90 years.
Whatever the reasons both obvious and hidden, when in the 2004 the uncomfortable Lamari veteran had to leave his post, Salah seemed to Bouteflika as the ideal candidate to carry out the work of "colonization and mutation" of the military instrument. Indeed, Salah himself did not disdain to derive personal benefit from the new situation created around him. His was in fact the decision to force retirement from the scenes even the last 14 among the high-ranking 50 officials called "Janveristes" (The Men of January), who with a sponge in the 1992, had canceled the electoral victory of the FIS (Fronte Islamic Salvation) thus initiating the terrible events of the 90 years. It also appears that there is a hand of Salah also behind the defenestration of Mohamed Mediène "Toufik", an event that led to the almost complete collapse of the security services. Despite Bouteflika's illness, Salah supported his reappointment for a fourth term in the 2014 and since then he has almost played the role of "press officer and public relations" of the Algerian regime given the almost permanent defection of the dying president from the media and the Said's extreme reluctance to appear in the spotlight.
A further element of closeness between the "presidential family" and the "family of the general" was then the appointment of Salah's son-in-law, Abdelghani Zaalane (photo) first as transport minister, in 2017, and then as public relations manager for the office presidential. The opinion of several analysts expert in Algerian matters who saw Salah as nothing more than a "watchdog" of the Bouteflika and fundamental pawn of the stability of the regime seemed therefore justified. Yet the events of the last two months have shown that, in the shadow of power, no idyll lasts forever.
Already during the month of February, people, first in Algiers and then in other major cities, had begun to take to the streets due to uncertainties regarding the upcoming presidential elections, originally scheduled for 11 March and subsequently postponed to the 18 April without even a list of official candidates or some hint of election campaign preparation. "Le Peuple" (Il Popolo) realized that a vigorous tug-of-war was taking place at the top of the "Pouvoir" and this triggered the mobilization, gradually increasing over the course of weeks (up to touch 17 millions of protesters the 26 of March!) after the 3 of the same month, with a surprise move, the old "bey" had decided, in its conditions, to run for a fifth term, covering itself with ridicule in front of the elites and causing the popular base. However, on the same day as the great "17 million demonstration", General Salah appeared on television, speaking to networks unified by the Algerian Armed Forces School for Officers, stating that, as far as the military is concerned, based on the constitution's Article 102 , Abdelaziz Bouteflika is considered "infirm and not fit to carry out its constitutional activities"; a white coup in every respect! It is indicative, however, that Salah has decided to make the announcement of Bouteflika's "deposition" at the School for Officers. This institution, in fact, has always been considered a bastion of the "Centurions", and this could indicate that they are actually, rather than the old general, the real force that, conscious of popular desperation, is pushing the old clan to power literally outside the window.
"Post Scriptum"
In the last hours of the 2 April 2019, Abdelaziz Bouteflika, the man who for 20 years held up the fate of Algeria, announced his resignation with immediate effect. Together with him, Prime Minister Ahmed Ouyahia and almost all of his loyalists in the state administration branches are also leaving.
Although it is impossible at the moment to make certain predictions about which trajectory the country will take, the events of the last few weeks have shown that, once again, in Algeria the military has the last word on the future of the community.
Photo: web / AlgérieNouvelle
